Boas and the Logic and Sociology of Scientific Inquiry

 

Boas must, first of all, be understood as a fieldworker, according to George W. Stocking, Jr.[1] Departing from Tylor, and previous anthropological thought, and minimizing the role of cultural evolutionary schemas, Boas’ revolutionized anthropology by contributing to a modern understanding of culture(s) as shaped by history, as plural, holistic, behaviorally determined and relativistic. Inherent in this conception of culture are some ideas that imbricate irregularly with the logic of scientific inquiry. This paper attempts to articulate some of the ways hybrid anthropology, which draws approaches from both scientific and historical inquiry, works. In particular this paper examines some ways in which the field worker Boas’ revolutionary conception of culture interplays with Stanley Tambiah’s conception of scientific inquiry, sociology and logic. Tambiah asks where social scientific inquiry logically fits in the schema of scientific inquiry and society. This paper attempts to rework, refine and bring into relief the seminal, anthropological Boasian culture concept with the logic and sociology of scientific inquiry.

In “Magic, Science, Religion, and the Scope of Rationality,” Harvard anthropologist Stanley Tambiah examines the logic and sociology of scientific inquiry. Tambiah identifies (see figure below) the internal framework of scientific inquiry as a collection of relations between, on the one hand, bodies of specialized knowledge (rectangles) and, -- on the other, subdisciplines, specializations with conventions and “rules of the game” (ovals) accepted by peer groups and professional associations (see figure). I want to examine the implications -- for Boasian anthropological understandings of culture and fieldwork in terms of the relation between data and text embodied in the bodymind of the fieldworker -- and for scientific inquiry as outlined in Tambiah’s chart. By contextualizing each understanding in the other, I want to examine how anthropology functions as a social science -- its ‘scientific’ limitations and problems and why anthropologists haven’t seemed to have been conducting scientific inquiries in the last 50 years or so -- as well as the limitations of Tambiah’s theoretical framework of the logic and sociology of scientific inquiry in terms of Boas’ anthropological culture conception.


Contextualizing Boasian sociocultural anthropology within Tambiah’s framework helps to highlight both strengths and weaknesses of sociocultural anthropology as a mode of scientific inquiry. Since Boas’ culture concept continues to be significant today, imbricating Boas and Tambiah potentially points out new research directions for anthropology or at least clarifies known approaches. In terms of Boas’ concept of culture, I want to look at his methods and paradigms of anthropology in terms of scientific inquiry (Tambiah’s internal framework).


As a ‘scientific’ field worker, Boas engaged in anthropological “data – text” formulations based on a culture concept informed by behavioral determinism. Studying Pacific Northwest Native American traits and myths, Boas suggested that behavior is shaped by habit, and that tradition is a shackle informing these habits.[2]  In this model, the Boasian anthropological interaction between the rectangles and ovals (see figure) – i.e. the methods of science, paradigms (field work), reality testing of “nature,” verification of empirical reality, and technical applications of knowledge – would typically refer to the ‘Boasian’ field worker him/herself participating, observing, and taking notes filtered through a behaviorally determined, tradition-binding conception of culture – which, for Boas, binds less when understood. This culture conception is also plural, holistic, historic and relativistic, and typically learned in an academic environment.[3] The Boasian field worker would then transcribe his or her data into text typically from an analytical standpoint such as an examination of myths, traits or habits.


In terms of Tambiah’s figure (below), the point I want to make has to do with the way the external context and internal framework of science interplay in terms of Boas’ culture concept. Boas’ culture concept seems to suggest that the habits, traits and words (as a body of specialized data in the internal framework of scientific inquiry) imbricate rather than adjoin the external context (plural, historically constructed, relativistic habits or traits). The distinction between internal and external is more ambiguous or contingent than Tambiah depicts it to be. In addition, “the impact of “external history”” in Tambiah’s chart (bottom right) would articulate with the subjects’ ‘habits’, as “bodies of specialized knowledge” (see chart, top center), which the Boasian fieldworker observes in the field – in that ‘habits’ arise from particular histories - an ‘arrowed’ interaction which Tambiah doesn’t identify in his figure.


           
In the context of the logic and sociology of scientific inquiry, the challenge of historically particular data that mean different things to different people seems to obscure Tambiah’s project. In terms of the ‘scientific’ practice of fieldwork informed by Boas’ culture concept (the arrowed lines in the internal framework of science in Tambiah’s chart), what are the rules of the game, etc. most useful in examining these data? What does scientific inquiry do with production of subjectivity by (produced) subjects, anthropologically observed? Tambiah’s figure helps to provide a framework in which the anthropologist might reflexively contextualize his/her own work in relation to other scientific approaches, but doesn’t seem to help move the anthropological discourse beyond ‘subjectively’ described ethnographic description based on fieldwork. What happens to ‘reality’ testing?


Tambiah’s work also plays a useful role in showing the significance of Boas’ ‘revolutionary’ culture concept through its inability to fit neatly in his table: it’s difficult to make culturally specific, interactive human data discrete and derive general laws from it. What makes anthropology so epistemologically interesting is the variety of data in the field (however defined) – the flux of experience (behavior, habit), language and behavior – which can seem only loosely in accord with the scientific community at large in terms of method (i.e. an informed written record) and Tambiah’s internal framework – and which data are as much shaped by the external context. The significance of Tambiah’s internal vs. external paradigm analytically privileges a historically consistent and internally realistic approach to scientific knowledge but doesn’t seem to provide new approaches for Boasian culture-concept-carrying ‘scientific’ field workers. In anthropology’s attempt to move toward an internal, logically consistent sociology of scientific inquiry, it finds itself, employing Boas’ culture concept, cycling through and articulating with external, social contexts.

 

 


 

Figure 1

 

 

 

The Logic and Sociology of Scientific Inquiry

(Tambiah, 1990, p. 141)

 

 

 


 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

Hatch, Elvin. 1973. Theories of Man and Culture. New York: Columbia.

 

Stocking, Jr., George W. 1968. “Franz Boas and the Culture Concept in Historical Perspective.” In Race, Culture and Evolution. N.Y. Free Press.



Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. 1990. Magic, Science, Religion, and the Scope of Rationality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

 

 



[1] Stocking, 1968. p. 204

[2] Boas in Hatch, p. 56 “In fact, my whole outlook upon social life is determined by the question: how can we recognize the shackles that tradition has laid upon us? For when we recognize them, we are also able to break them.” (1938a:202)

[3] Stocking, 1968 p. 204 As Stocking observes: Boas’ culture concept was shaped by “prior personal attitudes and intellectual orientation, the theoretical issues posed by contemporary anthropology, his experience in the field, and his own library and armchair interpretation of that experience.”